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Australian Anti-Terrorism Laws
Written by Terry O’Gorman
Those who support the further extension of Anti-Terrorism Laws say they
have widespread popular support.
That may be so. But while the new measures may be superficially
appealing, on closer inspection the most controversial of the powers are
flawed or unnecessary.
There is an onus on those seeking greater powers to show why they are
needed and why current anti-terrorism powers are inadequate.
And it has to be realised that once the new laws are introduced they
will never be repealed.
This is so for two reasons. Greater powers given to the intelligence
services or the police are never repealed. That is in my experience in
over thirty years of practicing criminal law.
Further, we are told that the war on terror may have no end. Therefore
the new laws will be permanent. And don’t be fooled by the Prime
Minister’s apparent preparedness to introduce a sunset clause so as to
have the new laws reviewed in three to five years.
There are currently two Committees reviewing the three major pieces of
anti-terrorism laws which have been introduced into the Federal Parliament
since the 11th of September 2001 New York attacks. The abolition of any
part of those laws is not on the agenda of the two Committees. Those
Committees are simply reviewing how the laws are working in practice.
Some of the new powers proposed by the Prime Minister can be supported
but others are thoroughly objectionable.
The proposed new powers which are justified relate to allowing law
enforcers access to airline passenger lists, extending the time before a
person can be granted Australian Citizenship and a National Code for CCTV
in public places.
A significantly enhanced role for the Federal Privacy Commissioner and
the establishment of State and Territory based Privacy Commissions are
necessary protections to address privacy issues arising from the passenger
list and CCTV proposals.
The proposals which are not justified and which carry significant civil
liberty negatives are control orders, preventative detention and less
external supervision of ASIO warrants.
The control order concept will allow the police to seek from a Court
twelve month control orders on people who pose a terrorist risk to the
community.
It is said that these will be similar to apprehended violence orders
but would allow stricter conditions to be imposed on a person such as
having to wear a tracking device and being subject to travel restrictions
as well as conditions governing who the controlled person can associate
with.
But already it is clear that the proposed control orders will have a
much wider effect and be much more mundane than simply being restricted to
terrorism matters. Clive Williams who is the Director of Terrorism Studies
at ANU who used to work in the Federal Defence Department has argued in
last weekend press that control orders are intended to provide the means
for law enforcement agencies to act where a person might pose a risk to
the community but can not be contained or detained under existing
legislation. Mr Williams suggests that such an order could be sought where
the Defence Department has a problem with mentally disordered individuals
threatening the Defence Minister!
These control orders are new in the UK having been developed only over
the last six months in that country.
We do not yet know what will be the facts a Court will have to find
exist before a control order can be made.
Existing laws make it an offence to incite terrorism or do an act
preparing for a terrorist attack. If the existing law is so wide what
possibly justification can there be for imposing a control order on a
person especially when 24 hour extensive surveillance of a person of
interest is much more likely to yield evidence not only of that person’s
activities but also will reveal the existence and activities of associates
of the target person which would provide valuable intelligence to the
security services and the police.
In this regard note that the budget of all Australia’s intelligence
services (and there are a lot of them) have increased by 300% since 11
September 2001.
Preventative detention for fourteen days based on laws brought in by
the UK Government in the 1960’s and 1970’s to deal with IRA bombings and
the British mainland is part of the new anti-terrorism Howard package.
This power will be on top of a new post 9/11 power which ASIO has
enabling it to hold a person for seven days for questioning even if that
person is not a terrorist suspect.
Internment without charge for two weeks represents a huge civil
liberties loss. Law enforcers who propose this change have not even
started to discharge their onus of establishing why such a law change is
necessary.
The Prime Minister also proposes that externally issued ASIO search
warrants be provided for a duration of three months rather than the
current one month and that ASIO mail and courier service ‘peek’ warrants
be extended from three months to six months.
No reason has been given for this significant extension of ASIO
warrants. Clearly it will have the affect of greatly reducing external
supervision of ASIO search and peek activities.
Under the current regime an ASIO warrant once expired has to be the
subject of a further application if an extension of the warrant is sought.
At the extension application ASIO has to show the extent to which has
interfered with a target’s privacy under the expired warrant and justify
why a further intrusive warrant should issue.
This external supervision of ASIO’s highly secretive search and peek
powers will be hugely weakened under the new proposed powers.
Finally, the new proposals contain an indirect incitement of terrorism
proposal. The details of what is proposed are somewhat sketchy but already
many are concerned it will chill free speech including restricting the
media in its reporting of terrorist and national security matters.
When it is already an attempt to directly incite terrorism, a case has
not been made out for a new offence of indirect incitement of terrorism.
The war on terror is supposed to be about protecting our democratic way
of life. If the superficially attractive but flawed and unnecessary
increased anti-terrorism proposals are brought in a further big slice of
hard won civil liberties in this country will be permanently taken
away.
Have those who proposed these extra powers made out their case. The
answer is clearly no.
(Terry O’Gorman AM is President Australian Council for Civil
Liberties and is a criminal defence lawyer based in Brisbane).
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